Migration is clearly a gendered process (e.g. Boyle & Halfacree, 1999; Chant, 1992, Willis & Yeoh, 2000), but it is unskilled migration which has received the bulk of attention (see, for example, Buang, 1993; Chant & McIlwaine, 1995). In contrast, skilled international migrants tend to be discussed as if they are non-gendered beings who do not form part of a household (exceptions include Hardill, 1998; Kofman, 2000). In fact, skilled labour migration has traditionally been dominated by men, with women featuring as ‘accompanying spouses or partners’, or not at all. However, with increasing numbers of women entering the workforce in managerial and professional roles, there is potential for many more women to be deployed overseas as skilled migrants.

Although the overseas deployment of skilled workers is clearly a company-based strategy, it also needs to be considered at the micro-level of the household, where migration can be used to contribute to household maintenance strategies (Chant & Radcliffe, 1992; Halfacree, 1995). Women and men participate in household strategies in different ways, reflecting societies’ gender divisions of labour, with reproductive tasks being largely the responsibility of women. Because of this, women and men may have different constraints on their international mobility, and once overseas, reproductive strategies, such as family assistance, paid domestic help or working from home, may not be possible in a foreign setting.

Migration clearly has a gender dimension. However, what these figures do not show are the decision-making processes which result in the migration flow characteristics.

For single migrants, both male and female, working overseas was regarded as a great opportunity, both financially and personally. Many Britons spoke of their excitement at experiencing another culture, while also seeing working in China as a personal challenge in terms of living in an unfamiliar environment. The notion of an ‘exotic’ location in conjunction with the perceived economic opportunities China presents proved to be a winning combination. For single people, the migration decision often hinged on the freedom which they had to move compared to their married counterparts .

For British-born Chinese and Singaporeans (all interviewees were ethnically Chinese) the chance to find out more about their ‘roots’ was often mentioned as a determining factor. However, the actual experiences of migration for these ethnic Chinese varied between Britons and Singaporeans.

For married migrants, especially those with children, the decision to move overseas was often motivated by economic incentives and the recognition that this would be good ‘for the family’, but the need to balance this with the requirements for suitable housing, educational services etc. was much more pronounced than for singles.

Very few married women chose to migrate for work, and for those who did, in all cases except one (a Briton), husbands/partners also found work in China. The decision-making process for married couples tended to show greater equality among the British couples interviewed, with many husbands commenting that they would not have gone to China if their wives were unwilling. For Singaporean couples this was less apparent, and husbands were much more likely to make unilateral decisions.

Marital status also plays a key role in non-migration. There were very few cases (1 Briton and 2 Singaporeans) of households that were permanently split, with the husband migrating and the wife staying ‘at home’, but in many cases wives spent part of their year in China and the other part in the UK/Singapore with children. Among the non-migrants who could be posted overseas, there was no significant difference between the single men and women – their decisions not to go overseas were related to aspects of their work, or to their unwillingness to break with the comforts of home. However, once married, the gender dimension becomes more apparent, with married men being more willing to contemplate overseas postings, believing that the rest of the household could relocate, while married women feel that uprooting the family for their career would not be appropriate.

For many married migrants, the move to China was regarded as an important strategy for the household because of the economic benefits that would accrue. Single migrants, particularly Britons, were able to regard this decision as more of an individual one.

Once overseas, there are clearly gendered household strategies for married couples, particularly those with children, with a division between paid work and reproductive activities. Reproductive activities are invariably the responsibility of the female partner, but almost all migrants hired local women as domestic servants. For Britons, this was usually the first time they had had domestic help of this type and many commented on how it improved the quality of their life. The desire to spend time socialising rather than doing the housework was usually used as the justification for hiring domestic help. Most Singaporeans were used to paid domestic support, so the effect on intra-household dynamics was less obvious and less disruptive of gender norms.

The divisions of labour within household are a reflection of a number of factors linked to prevailing social norms in both the UK and Singapore. As migration for married couples, was usually led by male employment, with women giving up their jobs to accompany their husbands (see point 1) the paid work/domestic work division was replicated overseas. However, once in China some women entered the workforce, but this depended on local job opportunities and childcare availability (where appropriate).

While there were very few examples of households dividing across national boundaries on a permanent basis, many migrants adopted transnational household strategies, in relation to family responsibilities for example. In these cases, it was women who were usually responsible for travelling backwards and forwards to deal with children at boarding school, elderly relatives or other ‘domestic’ responsibilities. For Singaporeans, a ‘commuting’ strategy was adopted by seven of the interviewees, involving the household base remaining in Singapore, but the husband significant parts of every month living and working in China.

An important part of coping strategies overseas and also the configuration of national and ethnic identities, is the development of social networks in China. For Britons and Singaporeans migrating for work, the workplace proved a useful source of contacts, although for those expatriates working only with local staff, the opportunities for socialising with work colleagues was limited. Language, finance and different expectations regarding socialising proved to be obstacles. However, work-related contacts, perhaps through clients or Chambers of Commerce, were often used as the basis for socialising.

Given the importance of work-related contacts for many, those people, invariably women, who do not engage in paid work, are particularly reliant on other forms of socialising. The ‘compound’ as an expatriate space can be crucial for this, as can schools and expatriate societies. However, for those women not able to access such spaces, perhaps because the household has been posted to a remote location, or because her husband’s financial package does not support living in an expatriate area, the result can be extreme isolation and vulnerability. Situations like this are most likely to lead to a posting being cut short.

For single migrants the workplace remains a key areas of socialising for both nationalities, but outside work, Britons (both male and female) are far more likely to use expatriate bars and clubs as a place to meet than their Singaporean counterparts. For Singaporeans formal organisations such as the Singapore Clubs often provided contacts not met through work. This division between Singaporeans and Britons was matched by interviewees’ general view that ‘westerners’ socialised in very different ways from ‘Asians’ and this was why there was little social mixing between these very heterogeneous groups.

Both British and Singaporean interviewees said they had very few local Chinese friends, if any. Many felt this was unfortunate as they had gone to China to find out more about the people and culture, but on arrival they experienced a number of unexpected obstacles. While some persevered with the language, and tried to socialise with the local Chinese, for the majority the feeling was that neither the expatriates nor the local Chinese felt comfortable ‘in each others’ spaces’, whether that be an expatriate bar, a tea house, or a karaoke lounge. It was only through sport that a great deal of mixing between locals and expatriates took place.

This webpage is maintained by Dr Katie Willis, Department of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham, Surrey TW20 0EX

Email: Katie.Willis@rhul.ac.uk