For both men and women, migration to China can provide opportunities for a reconfiguration of gender identities, in both positive and negative ways. For single migrants, the move is often viewed as a form of ‘liberation’ from the constraints ‘at home’. This is particularly the case for Singaporeans (especially women), probably because unmarried Singaporeans are far more likely to live with their parents because of Singaporean housing policy. However, many British women also commented on the fact that threats to personal safety were much less in China than in the UK, and so enabled them to move more freely around Chinese cities .

For women in paid employment, China appeared to hold few problems in relation to gender discrimination on a day-to-day basis. While some commented on difficulties with older male Chinese colleagues or clients, in most cases, the view was that China’s gender equality policies meant the working environment was often less sexist than in the UK. However, for women working in some sectors, the need to entertain clients, perhaps in hostess or karaoke bars led them to feel somewhat uncomfortable. In both Guangzhou and Shanghai there are ‘Professional Women’s Associations’ providing a forum for employed women to meet up. These provide support, but more importantly, a social environment, as many women felt it was this aspect of their lives that suffered in the move overseas.

For many women, both Singaporean and British, migration as an ‘embodied’ experience was often commented upon. For many British women, the prevalence of local Chinese women (and Thais and Filipinas in Hong Kong) as potential partners for male expatriates, led to feelings of self-doubt and in some cases worthlessness in terms of physical appearance (too fat, clumsy and blemished). For some women being in China meant delaying any chance of romance, as they perceived any potential male partners to be too interested in ‘Asian’ women. For the Singaporean women, feelings of ‘inadequacy’ were not expressed in terms of physical appearance, but rather the ‘tactics’ of local Chinese women in relation to male expatriates (discussed further in section 4). For both Singaporean and British single women, the most commonly-adopted identity adopted in China was one of ‘career woman’.

For married women, the move overseas is often associated with giving up or changing jobs. For some women, this is regarded as positive because they are able to spend more time with their children (or to start a family), or to develop other interests. However, for many, even if they view this domestic role positively, being termed an ‘expat wife’ is often highly undesirable, conjuring up visions of frivolous behaviour and isolation within expatriate compounds.

For some women, however, giving up a career to follow their husbands overseas results in a fall in self-worth and an undermining of identity. The ability to obtain paid work overseas depends on visa restrictions, reproductive responsibilities and job availability. In some locations (particularly Guangzhou, Suzhou and Wuxi in our study) local job opportunities were limited, so non-working wives here reported far greater levels of dissatisfaction than in the bigger cities. Setting up businesses, particularly those based on exporting ‘Chinese’ products was a strategy adopted by some women to overcome the isolation and feelings of economic dependence on their husbands.

For men, renegotiations of gender identity were similarly varied. A number of fathers spoke of how ‘family life’ was much better in China, as they had more time to spend with their families. Being a ‘good father’ was therefore performed not only in terms of economic provisioning, but also in leisure time spent with children. However, for other men, the pressure of working in China, often being the only expatriate employed and having to travel widely within the region, meant that ‘family life’ suffered.

Finally, just as the ‘marriageability’ of single women is perceived to reduce on travel to China because of the presence of local women or others as potential wives or partners for male expatriates, for men ‘marriageability’ or ‘attractiveness’ increased. For many men, the attention from woman was unprecedented and certainly influenced their self-perceptions, even though they were aware that the attention was based on their positions as expatriate men, rather than as individuals in their own right .

This webpage is maintained by Dr Katie Willis, Department of Geography, Royal Holloway, University of London, Egham Surrey TW20 0EX.

Email: Katie.Willis@rhul.ac.uk

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